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Fusions and Frictions in G20 Climate Policy

G20気候政策における融合と摩擦 (AI 翻訳)

Patrick Bond

The social science📚 査読済 / ジャーナル2026-02-03#政策Origin: Global
DOI: 10.3390/socsci15020092
原典: https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci15020092

🤖 gxceed AI 要約

日本語

本論文は、G20の気候政策におけるG7とBRICSの融合と摩擦を分析。両陣営が、十分な排出削減や適切なカーボンプライシングを避け、炭素取引を推進する点で一致していると批判。気候被害国や正義活動家への示唆を論じる。

English

This paper analyzes the fusions and frictions in G20 climate policy between the G7 and BRICS, criticizing both blocs for avoiding sufficient emissions cuts and proper carbon pricing while promoting carbon trading. It highlights the consensus on inadequate action and implications for climate-victimized countries and justice advocates.

Unofficial AI-generated summary based on the public title and abstract. Not an official translation.

📝 gxceed 編集解説 — Why this matters

日本のGX文脈において

本論文は、G7の一員である日本の気候外交を批判的に分析し、排出削減不足やカーボンプライシングの不備を指摘。日本のGX政策(GXリーグ、カーボンプライシング検討)への示唆を与える。

In the global GX context

This paper offers a critical perspective on the political dynamics between G7 and BRICS in global climate negotiations, underscoring the structural consensus on insufficient action. It is relevant for understanding barriers to ambitious climate policy and for justice-oriented global governance discussions.

👥 読者別の含意

🔬研究者:Critical analysis of G20 climate policy dynamics useful for scholars of international climate politics.

🏛政策担当者:Offers critical perspective on current climate negotiation failures, may inform more ambitious policy approaches.

📄 Abstract(原文)

Global climate policy requires constant attention due to shifting interests and alliances between national negotiators. Whether represented at global or national scales, three universal features of fused climate policy conjoin the wealthy and emerging G20 economies that are historically responsible for the most greenhouse gas emissions. The former are represented by G7 Western powers—the United States, Europe, United Kingdom, Japan, and Canada—and the latter are centered on the fast-expanding ‘BRICS’ bloc: Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (2010–2023), new members Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates, and potentially also Saudi Arabia (a member invitee), along with ten new ‘partners’ designated in 2024, many of which have carbon-intensive economies. Although conflicts regularly arise—especially over emissions-related trade policy and climate financing—and although Donald Trump’s exit from United Nations climate politics profoundly disrupted the usually coherent G7 bloc, the consensual principles uniting these diverse Western and BRICS governments at multilateral climate summits include the following: (1) not cutting corporate, state, and household emissions to the extent necessary for avoiding unmanageable planetary disasters, in the process denying effective ways of leaving fossil fuels underground (by reimbursing poor countries); (2) not pricing carbon properly or acknowledging their economies’ ‘climate debt’; and (3) instead promoting carbon trading and offset mechanisms. The implications are important for alliance-formation involving climate-victimized, low-income countries and climate justice activists, alike. In sum, there is an increasingly urgent rationale to transcend ‘Global North’ and ‘Global South’ dichotomies and instead consider climate (like many other aspects of G7-BRICS relations) with a perspective open to critique of the imperial–subimperial fusions, not only oft-assumed frictions.

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